Tamesmunt tamettit tadelsant Tilelli Association Socioculturelle Tilelli Maison de Jeunes, Goulmima (Maroc) BP 69, Goulmima Email: tilelli.org@gmail.com
PRESS RELEASE The Meknes Court of Appeals handed down sentences of 10 years in prison and fnes of 50,000 Dhs on November 25, 2009 to each of the two detainees OUADOCH Amazigh Hamid and Mustapha OUSAÏA.
Although these Amazigh activists are innocent of the crime they were charged with, despite the absence of concrete evidence of their guilt and despite the evidence in favor of their innocence, the Makhzenian "justice" wanted to make of them common law prisoners at all costs.
The Sociocultural Association Tilelli, while commending the courage and strength of these two political prisoners, firmly denounces these judgments as false and repressive Makhzenian policy against the Amazigh people.
Convinced that union is the only way to pressure the Makhzen to release the Amazigh cause prisoners, the Tilelli association calls on all actors of the Amazigh Cultural Movement to avoid any form of segregation or tribalism that the Arabist regime is trying to introduce into the ranks of the young Amazigh activists.
Tilelli also appeals to all the independent Amazigh associations, human rights organizations and anyone who strives for justice to offer a helping hand both morally and materially to the prisoners and their families. Finally, Tilelli reaffirms its commitment to the peaceful and civil struggle to recover the legitimate rights of the Amazigh people.
Issued at Tizi-n-Imnayen (Goulmima) on December 12, 2009.
For Immediate Release Civil Registrars Refuse to Record Newborns Whose Names Are ‘Not Moroccan’
(Washington, DC, September 3, 2009) – Morocco should stop interfering with the right of its citizens to give Amazigh names to their children, Human Rights Watch said today.
Numerous Moroccans living in cities and villages around the kingdom and abroad who chose Amazigh first names for their newborns have been refused when they applied at local civil registrars to record those names. Human Rights Watch wrote a letter to the interior minister, Chekib Benmoussa on June 16, 2009 detailing five such cases and soliciting an explanation. There was no response.
“Morocco has taken steps to recognize Amazigh cultural rights,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “It now needs to extend that recognition to the right of parents to choose the name of their child.”
Morocco’s Law on the Civil Registry stipulates that a first name must have “a Moroccan character.” Local administrators apparently interpret that requirement to mean names that are Arabic-Islamic, even though the Amazigh people are native to Morocco. The law gives parents the right to appeal a refusal in court and to the High Commission of the Civil Registry. Over the years, the commission has ruled on dozens of Amazigh, European, and other non-Arabic-Islamic names, accepting some and rejecting others.
The five cases documented in the Human Rights Watch letter, involving both residents of Morocco and émigrés living abroad, resulted ultimately in victories for the parents. But they succeeded only after bureaucratic delays and lengthy appeals, sometimes enduring hostile or humiliating questions from Moroccan civil servants and the insecurity of having a newborn who, for months, had no legal identity.
“We are happy that these parents prevailed, but no couple should have to fight their government, at this special time in their life, to be able to name their baby,” Whitson said.
On August 26, a first instance court in Tahla (province of Taza) court approved an Amazigh name in a sixth case, allowing Abdallah Bouchnaoui and Jamila Aarrach, to name their five-month-old daughter “Tiziri,” which means “moon” in Tamazight, the Amazigh language. The victory came only after the couple, who live in the commune of Zerarda in the Middle Atlas, had endured months of uncertainty.
For a seventh couple, the uncertainty continues. On March 11, Rachid Mabrouky went to the civil registry in the Saâda district of Marrakesh to register his two-day-old daughter as “Gaïa.” Mabrouky told Human Rights Watch that the official on duty refused to accept the name, contending that it was “not Moroccan.” Mabrouky went to the civil registry at the city’s prefecture, only to be told the same thing.
When he explained that the name “Gaïa” was Amazigh and therefore Moroccan, the agent on duty persisted in his refusal, exclaiming, “You Amazigh are all fanatics,” Mabrouky said. Mabrouky and his wife, Lucile Zerroust, who is French, filed a case in administrative court, where the case is still pending. “Gaïa” is the name of an ancient Berber prince.
Parents of an infant who is not recorded by the civil registrar may face obstacles when applying for a passport for the child, reimbursement by state medical insurance, or other services. Parents who persist in demanding that the government record Amazigh names tend to be Amazighs who are politically active. They say that for every couple like themselves, there are others who avoid giving their children Amazigh names, fearing a humiliating refusal from local officials followed by administrative problems.
The Amazigh are the indigenous people of North Africa and are overwhelmingly Muslim. Today, the two largest Amazigh populations are in Morocco and Algeria, where some are actively engaged in seeking cultural, linguistic, and political rights. In 2001, King Mohammed VI of Morocco created a Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture and began a program to teach the Tamazight language in schools.
Several Moroccans who are Amazigh told Human Rights Watch that when civil registry agents are presented with uncommon first names, they consult lists prepared periodically by the High Commission of the Civil Registry. These lists include dozens of non-Arab-Islamic names, each one marked “accepted” or “refused.” Human Rights Watch has copies of some of these lists. According to the law, the commission is composed of representatives of the interior and justice ministries and the kingdom’s official historian.
International jurisprudence supports the freedom to choose one’s name. The United Nations’ Human Rights Committee ruled in the 1994 case of Coeriel et al v. Netherlands, “Article 17 [of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights] provides, inter alia, that no one shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence. The Committee considers that the notion of privacy refers to the sphere of a person’s life in which he or she can freely express his or her identity.... [This] includes the protection against arbitrary or unlawful interference with the right to choose and change one’s own name.”
“Unless a first name is patently offensive or objectionable or harmful to the interests of the child, authorities have no business curbing the right of parents to make this very personal choice – especially not when the curb amounts to a form of ethnic discrimination,” said Whitson.
Human Rights Watch’s letter to Minister of Interior Benmoussa, seeking information about the cases involving the naming of five Amazigh children – Ayyur Adam, Massine, Sifaw, Tara, and Tin-Ass – is online at: http://www.hrw.org/node/85427 (English); http://www.hrw.org/node/85429 (Arabic).
AMUSSU ADELSAN AMAZIΓ N INELMADEN G TIZI N IMNAYEN
ALƔU
Azul d ameγnas ,
Di tazwara. azul ameqran i inezbayen n tidet n ugdud amerruki , azul ntγensa d tẓiḍert i yinekraf isertanen nUmussu Adelsan Amaziγ (MDM) illan g yikurmuten n timmuzdert : Tucka, Sidi Sεid d Warzazat.
Ayyuz i akw winna ikan tudert d idammen-nnsen i tmentilt tamaziγt, salen ar akkan (Meεtub Lwennas, Saεid Sifaw, Manu Dayak, Bujemεa Hebbaẓ,Lγaci….atg)
Ibeddi nga assa g tesnawit n Zayd u Ḥmad (Med V) g Tizi n Imnayen, yusa-d d wass amaḍlan n tutlayin timezwura, 21 febrayer acku nra ad nini i yinelmaden ula medden is iga wawal amaziγ tutlayt-nneγ tamezwarut, d wis ur nri asselku ittegga udabu aεerbeẓri i tmaziγt ula Imaziγen, am uyenna gan isemxan d yiḥeẓẓaren n udabu i yimeγnasen-nneγ ayenna ran ad gen yan ibeddi amalway dat “umni” amerruki ass n 14 febrayer 2009.
Day, ar nettini i Lmexzen ad d-irẓem i yinekraf n Umussu Adelsan Amaziγ d ad iwdu asselku ittegga i Imaziγen ula i tmizar g tsul tedder tutlayt tamaziγt: Anẓul Ugmiḍ, Rrif, Tiniri…
Seg tama yaḍen, da nessutur ad tili tutlayt tamaziγt d tutlayt tunṣibt g tmendawt n tmazirt-nneγ tili g akw iγerbazen d tsuda, ar diγ nesγuyyu γef yiselmaden imeksenmaziγen g tesnawit-nneγ isxuben aḍu i yinelmaden isawalen γef tmaziγt.
Ar nesskan tiwizi-nneγ d yimussuten n yinelmaden imaziγen g Ulennif, Bumal n Dades, Tinγir, Walmas, Nnaḍur…atg
Ittug g Tizi n Imnayen ass n : 09-02-2959 / 21-02-2009
“ Skud mazal tarwa n leḥlal Ur as-nkennu i lqid ”
Lexicon / Amawal
Amussu: Movement Inezbayen: Those who resist Tamentilt: Cause Tasnawit: High school Amaḍlan: Related to entire world Aεerbeẓri: Arabist Amalway: Peaceful Anẓul Ugmiḍ: Southeast Tunṣibt: Official Tamendawt: Constitution Tisuda: Institutions Imeksenmaziγen: Amazighophobes
Asmi teffeɣ Fransa si Tmurt n Lezzayer deg useggas n 1962, Leqbayel nwan dayen ifuk fell-asen lḥif, ddel d tmuḥqranit. Nnan-as, tura mi yekcem uṛumi amcum s axxam-is, talwit ad d-tekcem Tudrin n Yeqbayliyen.
Nwan dɣa d tidett ad ddren ddaw laɛnaya n Tugdut (démocratie) d yedles-nnsen am nutni am watma-nsen Izzayriyen-nniḍen yettmeslayen taerabt.
Asirem-nni, yedder kra n wussan, alarmi ɣ-d-yenna luḥkum: ‘’Agdud azzayri d aɛrab, ulac ayen-nniḍen !’’. Imiren dɣa iban-d udem aḥeqqani n wid yeṭṭfen akursi s uqezzul, aqezzul-nni yesedduyen timsal ara ass-a n wussan.
Tilelli, timuzɣa, tidert n ser d lḥerma d wayen akk ɣef wacu nnuɣen Leqbayel yettwattu. Asirem-nni wwin-t waman.
Dɣa, yaf-d iman-is weqbayli rrif n tlufa n Tmurt. Tameslayt-is tettwakessseg temsal tunṣibin (officielles). Lbaṭel yewweḍ almima yura weqbayli tutlayt-is ad yekcem ɣer lḥebs. Idles amaziɣ yettwaḥaṛem seg yiles n weqbayli. Adabu (pouvoir) amesbaṭli yanna-k: “imaziɣen ddren zik, ma d tura qlen d aeraben, d inselmen. Lezzayer d taerabt, d tineslemt. Win ur neqbil annect-a ur yelli seg-neɣ!”
Leqbayel ikcem-iten lḥir: Tura mi ssufɣen arumi acku ẓran ur llin ara d irumiyen, adabu azzayri yiwta s wayen yezmer ad ten-yer d aeraben…
Zdat lmenker yecban wa, aqbayli yenna-d: Awah !!atmaten-nneɣ yetmeslayen taerabt uɣ-d-fihimn ara. Asmi ara sen-nessefhem d acu-yaɣ, ass-nni ad aɣ-d-fken afus akken ad nesbed tugdut d talwit di tmurt n Lezzayer.
Ilmend n waya i krent tudrin n tmurt n leqbayel deg 63 (FFS), 1980 (Tafsut imaziɣen), 1989 (RCD) almi d 2001 (Tafsut taberkant). Mmuten yelmeẓyen, kecmen leḥbus ur yessaweḍ imenɣi lebɣi-nneɣ. Ass-a mazal ulac ayen yessefṛaḥen.
Win ur nessin ara amek-it weqbayli ad as-yini : ‘’Leqbayel ugaden ad nnaɣen, ad sutren tugdut d yedles i yiman-nnsen’’
Lukan d lebɣi, akken nessufeɣ arumi almi tuɣ aẓar taerabt, ilaq aeraben ad aɣ-eiwnen akken idles aqbayli ad yeseu amkan-is. Dacu kan, maççi akka i teḍra. Tamurt n leqbayel tettwaḥqer izzayriyen netten sussmen.
Ass-a, aken ma nella neẓra, iberdan iɣelnawen (nationalistes) ur ɣ-suffɣen ara ɣer lebɣi-nneɣ. Akken s-yenna Lwennas, ‘’ Ulayɣer nurǧa asirem, a nsenned f sbeṛ…’’
Tidett, ma nebɣa a nneder, yusa-d lawan anda ilaq ad nemeslay geraneɣ, ad nennaɣ f yiman-nneɣ...
D wa i d abrid ma nebɣa ad nedder s yidles-nneɣ, s tutlayt-nneɣ di Tmurt-nneɣ
Ɣef waya I d-snulfan warrac iqbayliyen tinamit i tmurt n Leqbayel,MAK.
Nekni s imaslaḍen n Tiddukla Tadelsant Tamaziɣt deg Marikan (ACAA), nenejmaɛ ass n lḥed, wis-29 deg Yunyu, deg Bridgewater, New Jersey akken a d-nesmekti lmut n Maɛṭub Lwennas d-yeḍran 10 iseggasen aya. Anejmaɛ agi yewwi-yaɣ a d-nini aya:
1.Ass-a a nefk tajmilt i Lwennas ɣef wayen issali, ama deg wemḍiq n ccna, neɣ n tmedyazt, ɣef umennuɣ-is ɣef izerfan d tagdut, neɣ ɣef wakken yella d amizwar nneɣ s umata.
2.Tajmilt tameqqrant meṛṛa i nezmer a s-tt-negg i Lwennas ma yella nexdem akken asirem i d-yeslal deg ulawen n ilmeẓyen d telmeẓyin imaziɣen ad yeffeɣ. I waya, nger tiɣri i imaziɣen anida ma llan akken ad xemmlen i iɣallen nnsen akken ad sǧuǧǧgen tamagit d yedles nnsen. Tin tent-yugaren ak, akken ad dduklen zdat ucengu.
3.Nessawal i telmeẓyin d ilmeẓyen akken ad suddesen, ad ssalin imal n weɣref amaziɣ ɣef llsas i d-yeǧǧa Lwennas.
4.Neggul akken nella da, a nexdem akken tiddukla nneɣ ad tennerni, ad texdem ak d tiddukliwin tiyaḍ bac akken a nesnefli aɣref d yedles nneɣ.Aya nezmer a t-naweḍ ma yella neḍfer amedya n Lwennas.
5.Nekni s imalslaḍen n ACAA, neḥseb belli mači kan d amizwar i ɣ-yemmuten, d amddakel! Ur ntettu ara ayen ixdem Lwennas i tiddukla as mi d-yusa ɣer Marikan, icna di New York ak d San Francisco deg useggas n 1993.
6.Deg wis 25 si Yunyu, adabu azzayri aqettal, ira ad iqmeḍ ṣṣut n Lwennas i labda. Maca 10 iseggasen ɣer zdat, Lwennas mazal-it idder deg ulawen nneɣ, ma d ṣṣut-is la yettbaɛziq, acku Lwennas d asirem d unadad n yilmeẓyen nneɣ.
Ɣef yisem n ACAA Tarbaɛt i wesmekti n umulli wis-10 n lmut n Maɛṭub Lwennas Bridgewater, New Jersey Wis-29 seg Yunyu 2008
We, members of the Amazigh Cultural Association in America (ACAA), gathered this Sunday, June 29, in Bridgwater, New Jersey to observe the 10th anniversary of the death of Lounès Matoub, make the following statement:
1.We pay tribute to the memory of Lounès Matoub for his artistic contribution, his fight and leadership, and in general for his contribution to the Amazigh cause and democracy.
2.We consider that the most beautiful tribute that we can pay him is to work so that his hopes and those he instilled in the hearts of many Amazigh youth become reality.For that we call upon all Imazighen wherever they may be, to gather their strength to ensure the prosperity of their identity and culture and especially to unite in the face of adversity.
3.We invite the Amazigh youth to organize and build the future of the Amazigh people on the foundations and the sacrifice of Lounès Matoub.
4.We commit ourselves to continuing to strengthen our association and collaborate with other associations to contribute to the development of our people and culture with Lounès Matoub as a role model.
5.We, members of ACAA, consider that we lost not only a leader, but also a friend.Lounès Matoub’s contribution to ACAA through two concerts in New York and San Francisco in 1993 will remain memorable.
6.On June 25, 1998, the Algerian government’s assassins wanted to silence Lounès Matoub forever.But 10 years later, Lounès Matoub is always alive in our hearts and his words still resound among us because Lounès Matoub represents hope and determination for the Amazighe youth.
For ACAA,
The Steering Committee for the Commemoration of the 10th Anniversary of the Assassination of Lounès Matoub
Re: Massive arrests and jail terms for Amazigh activists in Morocco
Dear Human Rights Watch,
For more than a year, so many Amazigh towns and villages of Morocco have been the theater of demonstrations by university and high school students. It all started in the spring of 2007 during the commemoration of the Amazigh spring (Tafsut Imazighen) which is observed by many Amazigh regions across North Africa. Following or during many of these demonstrations violence erupted between “Arabist” students or Arabic speaking individuals outside to the universities. These were opposed to the demonstrations and expressed themselves by attacking the Amazigh students. Very peculiar to the events is the fact that the police provided cover to the attackers and arrested the Amazigh students instead.
For example, according to eyewitnesses in Taza, large numbers of individuals outside of the university entered the campus, took part in removing announcements by the Amazigh student organization and attacked violently the Amazigh students. In other instances they burned Amazigh flags and forced students entering the university to walk over it. Later they organized themselves into mobs that attacked Amazigh students who had to defend themselves. Their dormitory rooms were raided and many of their belongings stolen. The police generally showed up only to arrest Amazigh students and never bothered anyone else.
The Amazigh Movement supported by many Amazigh associations is convinced that this was a setup carried out by the security forces to draw them into a violent conflict, and then have them arrested. Some Amazigh activists claim it could not be anything but a conspiracy because the security forces brought in ambulances prior to any violence taking place and the police often watched when the Arabist students attacked. They also pointed to the coordinated aspect of the events as this happened at several universities nearly at the same time.
The Amazigh Movement formed a committee to support the imprisoned students and organized marches and protests throughout the country. High school students joined in by organizing protests and showing their discontent by burning the Moroccan flag.
These events bear a striking resemblance to attacks that occurred in the 80’s among Amazigh students and Islamist students in various universities in Algeria. At the time, the Algerian police stood by watching as the Islamists attacked many students. That is when they killed Kamal Amzal in Ben-Aknoun. It also brings flashbacks from the June 14th 2001 march by the Kabyl Citizen’s Movement (Aarch Movement) when the Algiers police hired local street gangs to attack the demonstrators (see photo). It is not at all surprising that similar events take place in Morocco a few years after they take place in Algeria. We know now that the Moroccan authorities observe the Algerian strategy against the Amazigh Movement and replicate it in all cases where it has born fruit.
Arrests, violence, and now jail terms is the lot of many young Amazigh students. In Agadir three students were sentenced to jail terms. Tens of students were arrested. The police showed up at their homes after the demonstrations. In Meknes ten students are awaiting trial with no hope for justice. Many students complained of ill treatment by the police (beatings, sexual humiliation, and some cases torture). In Boumalne Dades, ten young people were arrested and tried. Among them a minor. Together they received a total sentence of 34 years in prison. All of this for demonstrating against the marginalization of their region (lack of infrastructure, neglect etc.). Oudali Younès was sentenced to 6 years in prison. Oubali Houssain, Atil Mostafa, Elouardi Mostafa, Aït Saïd Brahim, Chaouki Mimoun and Charif Abdenacer were sentenced each to 4 years in prison. Adjik Noureddine received 2 years; Orouzane Brahim and Aït Hssein Moha were each sentenced to a year in prison. They were accused of unauthorized gatherings, civil disobedience, burning of the national flag, and destruction of state property and humiliation of state officials. What more, all of these students had a very hard time finding a lawyer to defend them? Nearly all of the Amazigh regions were affected and this only increased the number of demonstrations spiraling into more arrests and prison sentences.
More than ever, the Amazighs are not wanted in their own land. They are tolerated only if they accept to forget who they are. In the meantime, the demonstrations in support of the Palestinian people are funded and organized by the government itself, while Tamazgha’s own original people are trampled, jailed, and yes… eliminated. Because, the Amazigh movement has always been a peaceful one, the authorities resorted to manipulation to bring about the right circumstances and conduct massive arrests, and thus repress the Amazigh movement and silence it once and for all.
The question we ask at the Amazigh Cultural Association in America is why doesn’t Human Rights Watch say anything about all this? We would like to know what your position is on this. Have you investigated these events and what has your research yielded? Have the Moroccan Human Rights organizations contacted you about the ill treatments, the unjust arrests and trials?
Whatever the case may be, we would like to know why you are not speaking up about the Human Rights violations in the case of the Amazigh activists of Morocco.
The Tamazight Teachers Association of Tizi-Uzzu issued the following press release on February 28th to announce that it will be holding a full day protest on March 3, 2008 in front of the Tizi-Uzzu Board of Education offices. The Tamazight Teachers association states that it is tired of the practices of the Board that consisted so far of ignoring all of the problems that the Tamazight teachers are confronted with. Even the directives of the Ministry of education are arbitrarily ignored. Back in January it was the Tamazight teachers association of Bgayet that organized a protest to call for the reintegration of Education Inspector Yahia Belli.
Tiddukla n yiselmaden n tutlayt tamaziɣt n Tizi-Uzzu Association des enseignants de Tamazight de Tizi-Ouzou Immeuble CRMA 80, Av. Abane Ramdane, Local n° 08. BP. 30, Tizi-Ouzou E. Mail : iselmaden.tamazight@gmail.com Tél. 07.73.37.30.76
DECLARATION
Depuis sa création, l’Association des enseignants de Tamazight de la wilaya de Tizi-Ouzou a toujours privilégié le dialogue et la concertation avec la tutelle. Dans ce cadre, après différentes réunions de travail au niveau du Ministère de l’Education Nationale plusieurs acquis ont été arrachés, notamment :
-L’introduction de tamazight dans le cycle primaire. -L’application d’une stratégie visant lagénéralisation progressive de cet enseignement dans tous les niveaux. -L’accord d’un cœfficient de 02 pour tous les paliers. -L’ouverture de plusieurs dizaines de postes budgétaires.
Tous ces points ont été clairement mentionnés dans deux circulaires émanant du MEN, à savoir :
-La circulaire n° 446, datant de novembre 2006. -La circulaire n° 426, datant de juillet 2007.
Mais il se trouve que la plupart de ces acquis ont été remis en cause par la Direction de l’Education de la wilaya de Tizi-Ouzou. Jusqu’au jour d’aujourd’hui, le dossier du primaire est géré d’une façon opaque et anarchique. En plus de cela, les enseignants subissent au quotidien un mépris de la part des services concernés auquel s’ajoute l’attitude autoritaire et hautaine de plusieurs inspecteurs zélés des circonscriptions du primaire qui refusent arbitrairement l’application des circulaires du MEN.
Malgré l’ouverture de plusieurs dizaines de postes budgétaires, la généralisation de l’enseignement de tamazight telle que promise par le Ministère de l’Education tarde toujours à voir le jour et ce malgré la réunion de toutes les conditions nécessaires.
Depuis l’introduction de tamazight dans le système éducatif algérien en 1995, le nombre de postes ouvert dans le secondaire n’a pas changé d’un iota. Cette situation s’est malheureusement répercutée sur les élèves du Moyen qui, après quatre années d’assiduité et un résultat au BEM 2007 plus qu’honorable ( + 80% de réussite en tamazight), se retrouvent sans enseignement de cette matière au lycée, combien même revendiquée par ces élèves et leurs parents.
Toujours dans le cadre de la concertation et du dialogue, plusieurs réunions de travail ont été tenues avec les responsables de la Direction de l’Education de Tizi-Ouzou pour tenter de trouver des solutions à ces différents problèmes. Mais il se trouve que ces responsables n’ont jamais essayé de donner une suite favorable à nos différentes doléances, mais ils ont toujours préféré manœuvrer dans l’unique objectif de calmer les esprits en nous berçant de toutes les promesses possibles qui n’ont jamais été concrétisées.
A ce jour, la situation financière et administrative de la majorité des enseignants de tamazight reste pendante.
Face à cet état de fait, l’Association des enseignants de tamazight de la wilaya de Tizi-Ouzou ne cesse de s’interroger sur les véritables raisons de ce blocage qu’elle assimile à un pur blocage et interpelle les autorités compétentes pour intervenir afin de trouver les solutions qui s’imposent.
Vu le mutisme de notre tutelle, l’Association des enseignants de tamazight de la wilaya de Tizi-Ouzou se trouve dans l’obligation, étant donné que toutes les autres voies ont été épuisées,d’organiser une journée de protestation le lundi 03 mars 2008 au niveau de la Direction de l’Education de Tizi-Ouzou.
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